"Hawa Bayrut", Fairouz

They blockaded the roads
They dimmed the signs
They planted cannons
They mined the squares
Where are you, my love?
After you, my love
We became a love that screams
We became distant.

For the happy days we longed
The happy days of staying out on the road
The long walks
And the rendez-vous at the old restaurant.

O love of Beirut
O love of the days
They will come back, o Beirut
The days will come back.

The second summer has come
The moon is broken
I'll tell you, you're going to forget me
My defeated love
I went back to my house
I didn't find my house
Only smoke and twisted beams
No rose and no fence.

The time that goes by is like the tip of a sword
Under the stars of the night when there's no direction
I'll tell you where are the friends
Where are tears and love.

Qana massacre... Again

Qana, April 18, 1996.
Qana, July 30, 2006.

Let them rest in peace.
The peace they weren't considered worth of in this world.

This segment of the post contains very graphic images of violence.

Ceasefire talks in Rome

(Update, July 26: Israeli bomb kills UN observers. What an encouraging way to start peace talks.)

Map of Israeli assault on Lebanon

That's what As'ad Abu Khalil wrote on his blog. I often disagree with him, but this analysis is commendable and I am copying it entirely:

Israel's False Assumptions about Lebanon: Israeli Miscalculations. At this stage, it is not clear what will happen next. But at this stage, it is possible to state that Israeli political goals will not be achieved, no matter how long Israeli aggression takes. No matter what happens next, and even if Israel manages to kill Nasrallah or other leaders, Israel's ability to achieve its goals is diminishing not increasing. I am not being triumphalist: Israeli military superiority, and Israeli willingness, nay eagerness, to use massive and indiscriminate violence, has never been in doubt. I lived and barely survived the 1982 Israeli invasion after all. But the political situation is rather spiraling quickly away from the intentions of Israel and its vocal and silent partners in the world. Just today, I watched an appearance by Mustafa Al-Faqi (chairperson of the Egyptian parliamentary Foreign Relations Committee). He spoke like a Hizbullah spokesperson. A Hizbullah guest on the show (Lebanese member of parliament Husayn Hajj Hasan who is such an ineffective propagandist for the party) noted that tone and that change, even from a few days ago. Here is my list of Israeli miscalculations:
1) Arab governments--as usual--did not dare go as far as the Israel wanted. Just as Bashir Gemayyel did not fulfill his promises to the Israelis in 1982. To be sure, House of Saud, Jordan's Hashemites, Kuwait royal family, and Egypt's Mubarak all covered up for Israel in the Arab League. But the famous statement by the House of Saud did not even have a source or name attached to it. It was attributed to an "official." No house of Saud member dared to sign his/her [her? in Saudi Arabia where women still can't drive] name to it. And also notice the way the Arab official rhetoric and media have been changing. NOT out of concern for victims of Israeli bombings, but out of fear of public opinion.
2) Israel assumed that Hizbullah fighters would flee within one day as was the case in 1982.
3) Israel assumed Shi`ite refugees would break with Hizbullah. The opposite happened. Amal people just joined Hizbullah, politically and otherwise. And NOT A SINGLE SHI`ITE politician (like Hariri Inc's deputies Ghazi Yusuf or Basim As-Sab`) said a word--not a word, either way. And many callers to Lebanese TV news shows mention their names in rage, particularly in the case of Ghazi Yusuf who attended the Lebanese Forces' honoring of John Bolton 2 months ago. Yusuf has not stepped foot in Lebanon in a while now, and I doubt that he will return soon. He tried to get Muhammad Husayn Fadlallah to help him but the latter told him that Shi`ite opinion is most angry at him. Basim As-Sab` also has not stepped foot in Lebanon in months. These were the "moderate" Shi`ites that Walid Jumblat invokes as "alternative" to Hizbullah. Israel assumed that anti-Hizbullah Shi`ites would strengthen their resolve against the party. The opposite occurred.
4) Israel assumed that the mood of the Shi`ites in South Lebanon in 1982 would be replicated now. Back then: people just raised the white flags, and some even welcomed the invading Israeli troops, before turning against them in one year, due to your typical savagery of Israeli occupation methods and techniques. Furthermore, Hizbullah seems to have learned from PLO experience: they remained invisible, and thus did not create a thuggish rule that Israel would later exploit in its favor. People of South Lebanon were not looking for a "rescuer" this time around. But they now want a rescuer from Israeli aggression NOW.
5) Israel assumed that Sunni and Druze momentum against Hizbullah--funded by Hariri Inc--would mount and become more vocal. The opposite occurred. The outrage at Israeli brutality seems to have muted voices of criticisms of Hizbullah, even among people who never really cared about Hizbullah, and its fundamentalist ideology.
6) Israel assumed that the Lebanese government would get stronger from the aggression, but it has gotten weaker. Prime Minister Fu'ad Laval has not dared to visit one shelter or refugee center.
7) Israel assumed that this aggression will take a few more days, and that Israeli society would treat this as a victory.
8) Israel assumed that a air bombing would be all what is required, with little harm to Israeli occupation troops.
9) Israel assumed that Hizbullah leaders would simply sit and wait for Israeli bombs in their houses and apartments.
10) Israel assumed that US media would not care about Lebanese civilians. Wait. That was a correct assumption. Sorry.
11) Israel assumed that Arab public would treat the stance of Hizbullah as "adventurist" and "reckless." That would have been a correct assumption if House of Saud speaks on behalf of all Arabs and if Hizbullah fighters did not fight toughly. That is very significant for Arab (including Lebanese) public opinion given the abysmal performance of Arab (and `Arafat's) armies. This is a very important element in Arab political culture, that Hizbullah calculated about, it seems, and Israel had no clue about. This campaign seems to follow the law of diminishing return: the longer it lasts, the more Israel can kill, but the more massive will the devastation be, and the more "heroic"--in public perceptions--will people--in Lebanon and Arab world--treat Hizbullah's stance. Israel may turn this into a further boost for Hizbullah. But then again: Israel always seems to boost its enemies. So the real enemies and opponents of Hizbullah in Lebanon will be more angry at Israel after this for boosting Hizbullah.
12) Israel assumed that Hizbullah would follow past Arab (and `Arafat's PLO) propaganda patterns of bombast and wild exaggeration. Thus far, Hizbullah propaganda and official communiques have been quite restrained and understated. That has helped the public credibility perception of the party in Lebanese and Arab public.
13) Israel (just as in 1982) assumed that its silly flyers over South Lebanon will be seen as witty and smart. Instead; they are seen as dumb and foolish, and badly crafted.
14) Israel assumed that a group of South Lebanese people, perhaps the former SLAs, would be willing to show up publicly to help Israel. That was not to be. Not a single person has done that. In 1982: there were many people (of different religions) who volunteered to cooperate with Israeli occupation in order to--in their minds--rid themselves of PLO rule.
15) Israel assumed that Hizbullah's ability to inflict counter-harm to Israeli cities and towns would be quickly eliminated.
16) Israel assumed that Nasrallah or Hizbullah leaders would crack under pressure. No signs of that whatever.
17) Israel assumed that the displaced people would constitute an automatic lobbying group against Hizbullah. Far from that: they have become a strong lobbying group for Hizbullah.

One thing I may add is the poor performance of the Israeli intelligence: they hit aims and structures not related with Hezbollah while at the same time not being able to target real paramilitary structures of Hezbollah across the border in Southern Lebanon.


How you can help Lebanon:

Donate to the Sanayeh Relief Center:

CLIENT NAME: GREENLINE ASSOCIATION
ACCOUNT NMBR: 6189003
BANK: BANK OF KUWAIT AND THE ARAB WORLD
SWIFT: BKAWLBBE

Greenline Association address:
3rd floor, Yamout building, Spears 174,
Sanayeh, Beirut, Lebanon
Telefax: (+961 1) 746 215 or (+961 1) 752 142
E-mail greenline@greenline.org.lb

For more information, please contact:
+961 3 647 605
+961 3 670 783
sanayeh.center@gmail.com

In Italia è possibile versare un contributo (con detrazione fiscale) mediante bonifico bancario sul c/c 99169
presso la Banca di Bergamo-Credito Varesino (piazza Vittorio Veneto, 8 -- Bergamo)
ABI 5428
CAB 11101
intestato ad Associazione Diakonia Onlus
indicando la causale "Emergenza Medio Oriente 2006".

Israeli kids send gifts, Lebanese kids receive them

This post contains very graphic images of violence.

Israeli girls write messages on a shell at a heavy artillery position near Kiryat Shemona, in northern Israel, next to the Lebanese border, Monday, July 17, 2006. (AP Photo/Sebastian Scheiner)



Lebanese children receive these gifts from Israel:

Israel eliminates more "enemies of peace"

These pictures were taken from The Angry Arab blog and may hurt your sensitiveness.
You are invited to skip this post if you feel offended by very graphic images of violence.

Evacuation

Last day in Lebanon... until I can go back there inshAllah

Drawing by Mazen Kermaj

On Friday 14, I was forced to decide in a handful of hours whether to remain stranded in Beirut (not knowing what was going to happen) or leave with the Italian embassy evacuation convoy. I stood on the rooftop of Mayfair residence, taking dramatic pictures of Hamra's skyline with columns of black smoke in the background and exchanged text messages with a new friend from Beirut. How much time did I spend over there? I don't know. I eventually left the rooftop, closed the door behind me and turned off my mobile phone, and in that moment I realized that I was closing the door on a part of my life.

To me, Beirut and Lebanon are not only a topic of scientific or journalistic research or a destination for holidays that are exotic but not too much. I have friends and acquaintances there, and also memories of a few sentimental relationships. It is the place to which the most important choices and changes of my life are inextricably linked. This place represented my hope that a debate about democracy, individual and civic rights and citizenship could take place in the Middle East without the weaponry of an imperialist occupation and symmetrical forms of extremism; my hope that Muslims and Christians (and other groups) could find a way to live together; my hope that a country could thrive again with energy and passion after a disruptive civil war.

Now everything seems shattered. Even when the military operations are over, this country will be economically destroyed and it will take an awful lot of time to remove all the physical debris and the personal, emotional, psychological scars.
But I do want to hope, despite all. I bet on the Lebanese traditional resiliency and ability to recover.
I bet on Beirut.

If this place means so much to me, why did I choose to leave instead of standing tall there? Did I take the right decision? There was no time to properly elaborate on this as we escaped from the country and left behind our Lebanese friends and/or relatives. The meeting point was the Italian embassy at 06:30am on Saturday 15.



Nearly five hundred persons of different nationalities were accommodated on nine coaches and by 9am we were ready to travel along the northbound coastal highway. I remembered how many times I had been driving on that road to go clubbing or at the beach, or simply shifting between Beirut, Jounieh and Byblos. Only four days before I was concerned and posting about wine and dine and now I was running away as a fugitive. I repeated to myself all the reasons that made me decide to leave and tried hard to convince myself that they were valid. Indeed, now I don't regret my choice and I can tell plainly that those reasons are proving to be good.

Crossing the Lebanese-Syrian border point in Arida was painfully and unbelievably long and enervating. Eventually, we arrived at the Bassel al-Asad airport near Latakia after 9pm. Twelve hours for a span of two hundred kilometers. And no, we didn't have a chance to stop for food or water.



It was 3am when I was finally embarked on a C-130 military plane heading to Larnaca, Cyprus. A civilian flight later took us to Rome, where we landed after 9am in a condition that you can easily imagine. I guess I'm not complaining anymore about airline meals and in-flight entertainment.

It's war

Day 5

Two powerful blasts took place a few seconds ago as I am writing these lines in an Internet cafe in Hamra. We are shocked and confused and frightened.

I woke up at 04:40 in the morning hearing two powerful explosions. Later, I learnt from the news that the airport road and other main crossroads in the southern part of Beirut had been targeted.
M and I reached one of these crossroads, next to Mar Mikhael church, at about 11am.





I was taking these pictures of the crater and the shattered buildings when people started to run away in panic shouting ta'iran, ta'iran! ("planes"). It was a classic moment of pure mass panic. We ran back to the car with all our cameras and backpacks through mud and potholes and our driver Chadi managed to escape in reverse and as fast as possible.
Israeli planes actually hit the airport at about 11:10, apparently for the first time in daylight. More bombings against Hezbollah-related places took place in the afternoon.

I still have to decide if I am staying here or joining the evacuation plan of Italian nationals on Saturday morning. There's one word to describe how I feel: frantic.

Israel attacks Lebanon

Day 4

Israel bombed several bridges on the Beirut-Saida highway and the Beirut International Airport during the night and the early morning. Forty-seven civilians are reported dead in these attacks.

M and I decided to venture around the blast scenes right after noon. In particular, we stopped to see a bridge between Damour and Jiyyeh. These are my own pictures:

We witnessed long queues of cars from the South, mainly people who were fleeing their homes in fear or further Israeli retaliation. There were long lines at the edges of the city and at gas filling stations. Again, these are my own pictures:






We then stopped at the airport, where one of the main runways has been hit. The airport is now closed.




There is an eerie atmosphere in Beirut. The Saudi and Gulf Arab tourists left in the very early morning, trying to reach Syria overland. Downtown is deserted and heavily patrolled by armoured military vehicles and soldiers in full combat attire. Here around me, people are preparing for power cuts and water shortages and are storing food, mineral water, candles and medicines. It's scary.

After a substantial dinner at the Blue Note, M and I reached the rooftop of the Royal Plaza Hotel, past the Raoucheh rocks. From there we witnessed the explosions, flames, smells and sounds from the blasts at the airport and in Dahiyeh (the southern suburbs of the city). A guardian handed over a bottle of Absolut Vodka, and so we sat on the deserted seaview rooftop, waiting for something to happen while at the same time hoping with all our heart that nothing happened. We waited and drank and watched and smelled the odour of gasoline and burnt tyres and I took these pictures of the explosions near the airport:





The wind blew on our faces as our eyes became full of tears.

A city of contrasts

Day 3

I was on my way to take some pictures of the old Jewish cemetery of Beirut, thinking that, although generally closed to public, it has never been desecrated and that nobody here is ever thinking to build a "museum of tolerance" or a parking lot over it. While I was in a shared taxi, a young woman called Cassandra (I'm not kidding) told me the news that a couple of Israeli soldiers had been kidnapped by Hezbollah in Southern Lebanon and that Israel was threatening some sort of retaliatory measures against Lebanese territory. Now that's what I call my perfect sense of timing.






After confusing indications, I walked through the Sunni lower-middle class neighborhoods of Basta Al-Tahta and Bachoura and eventually resurfaced into downtown to visit the Moawad Museum. This is an eclectic collection of glassware, pottery, jewels, ancient weapons, tiles and antiquities which is hosted in the former mansion of Henri Pharaon, a local affluent tradesman. I was unimpressed: some pieces are precious, but such a diverse collection in such a small place really verges on kitsch.

I gave a try to the hammam Nouzha al-Jadid, despite the rather bad description on the Lonely Planet travel guide and all I have to say is: skip it. It doesn't have anything in common with the Nureddine hammam in Damascus or the wonderful Yalbougha al-Nasri in Aleppo. Furthermore, it really is ambiguous as LP states. Not recommended. I moved very quickly to the public library in Bachoura where I finally found two novels by Hoda Barakat (Ahl al-hawa and Hajar al-dhahik) that were not available in the bookstores I checked earlier.

I joined M, the journalist I met on Tuesday (not to be confused with my old friend M) and we went to see a pro-Palestinian rally in Martyrs' Square. It wasn't more than a small sit-in of leftist college students.




Most people were stuck to television screens to watch the speech of Hezbollah's leader Hassan Nasrallah broadcast live on al-Manar, which is Hezbollah's channel. We decided to stop for some good ice cream in Place de l'Etoile and visited the Greek Orthodox cathedral of Saint-Georges with its beautiful iconostasis before going back to Hamra.





The whole kidnapping story is not promising anything good for this country and while I am certainly pissed off by the statements of some Israeli officials, who (as always) have the nerve to pose as poor innocent victims, I am equally pissed off by the uncomprehensible and nearly hysterical scenes of jubilation that I have witnessed today in some parts of Beirut. As if kidnapping two soldiers might bring any good to the children, elderly people, women who are blockaded in Gaza or to the Palestinian refugees who live in inhumane conditions in the camps scattered all over Lebanon, with no decent housing, no decent education facilities and no decent healthcare.
Only in Beirut will you find a gay club which shows al-Manar on its megascreens while the bartender comments on how handsome sayyed Hassan Nasrallah and his militiamen are.

But then again this is a city of contrasts and schizophrenia, and that makes up its personality and charme. This is a place where a Saudi family composed by one man and his four wives (all clad in black abayas from head to toes) and a lonely lady in her late 40s (in a very revealing attire and heavy make-up) share the same dining room without seeming even slightly baffled by the contrast.
I love you, Beirut.